Legally Yours from Spain

Rob Lunn's blog on legal translation and the Spanish legal system

An escrache is what you do when politicians aren’t listening to your pressure group—not even to your rallies, proposals for acts of parliament and other methods for exerting public pressure.

First seen in Argentina, this phenomenon is now being used in Spain by the Mortgage Victims’ Platform (PAH, Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca). Escraches are basically mini-demonstrations against politicians held outside their homes or workplaces. They can also occur on the street when the activist group comes across its targets ‘by chance’.

Escraches are controversial. Politicians from the two major parties don’t like them at all. The governing party has even equated them to Nazism and wants to prohibit them. Minor parties see them more favourably, and around 60 % of the population approve of them as a method for getting politicians to listen.

Politicians don’t seem to be listening yet, although the escraches have got everyone’s attention. TV and radio pundits love arguing about them. Most just focus on whether they are legal, but some go a little deeper and ask the more interesting question of why escraches are occurring. The obvious reading is that people feel they have no other option. Not great for a democracy.

What’s an escrache in English?

At the moment everyone seems to be calling them “escraches” and providing a description. If the phenomenon rears its head in an English-speaking country (if it hasn’t already somewhere), we may end up doing away with the description.

See here for what Wikipedia has to say about escraches.

Meandering about the Web the other day, I stumbled across this pearl of surrealness from the Australian Tax Office (ATO):

For the purposes of making a declaration under this Subdivision, the Commissioner may:

(a) treat a particular event that actually happened as not having happened; and

(b) treat a particular event that did not actually happen as having happened and, if appropriate, treat the event as:

(i) having happened at a particular time; and

(ii) having involved particular action by a particular entity; and

(c) treat a particular event that actually happened as:

(i) having happened at a time different from the time it actually happened; or

(ii) having involved particular action by a particular entity (whether or not the event actually involved any action by that entity).

Source: ATO, A New Tax System (Goods and Services Tax) Act 1999

It won second place in the 2005 Plain English Campaign Golden Bull awards (see here for the winner and more snippets of some not-so-plain tax English). However, to me at least, the language seems pretty clear. It’s the intent to reorder the universe that baffles. Not something you’d expect to find in a public servant’s job description.

According to the above-cited and aptly titled article Tax Simplification Is Not a Simple Issue, complex language results from a complex tax system. You can try to simplify a tax system, but you will face a trade-off between simplicity and having a good system. “The best tax system is unlikely to be the simplest.” People say something similar about legal systems, i.e., that they are inherently complex and require complex language. But does the language really have to be complex?

One-syllable dog’s breakfast

The article cites how Lloyd George, during his time as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1908-1915), asked for a paper on a tax submitted to him be rewritten in one-syllable words to make it comprehensible. Apparently, though, the rewritten version was just as complicated and even harder to understand. Maybe the instructions were too strict or misguided (one-syllable words vs. simple language), but it does suggest that simplicity may escape us when the content is complex.

However, the people’s desire to understand the laws that govern them remains, since quite some time ago it appears. Way back in 1792, long before the plain English movement, Jeremy Bentham advised writing law books with “sentences of moderate length, such as men use in common conversation, and such as the laws are written in France, with no more words than necessary” (from the same article quoted above).

Legal translations should be understandable and usable

Translators don’t usually get to simplify the content of a legal system or even the documents they translate, but we can make our translations understandable and usable, which is, after all, what clients want on most occasions: documents they or their clients can understand and use. Even for legal translations.

You can fall into the trap of paying too much respect to a legal text because of its formality. But the same process applies as when translating anything. You have to understand the text, make it your own (i.e., really understand it) and then put it together in a form that’s digestible in the target language, which may involve cutting (and joining) sentences, shuffling clauses and explaining concepts.

Sometimes a client—or a client in particular—may require a literal, warts (i.e., errors) and all translation of a legal document. But this is surely the exception rather than the rule, and I would only indulge in this type of faithfulness when instructed to.

Further reading

James, S. (2007) Tax Simplification is not a Simple Issue: The Reasons for Difficulty and a Possible Strategy, Discussion Papers in Management. University of Exeter. Available at: http://business-school.exeter.ac.uk/documents/papers/management/2007/0718.pdf

The European Court of Justice yesterday ruled Spain’s eviction laws to be incompatible with EU law on unfair terms in consumer contracts.

The decision will give Spanish judges the power to rule on whether mortgage terms are unfair under Directive 93/13/EEC in mortgage enforcement proceedings. The courts will have more power to suspend evictions.

We all knew Spain’s eviction laws were unfair or at least extremely harsh. You can lose your home and be left a huge debt to boot. Granted, prior to the financial crisis, the laws weren’t a noticeable problem. People generally kept up with their mortgage payments. When they didn’t, market conditions meant that they weren’t left with a debt for life as well as an eviction order.

Since 2008, though, home repossession has become a social disaster in Spain. We saw it happening. We knew why it was happening. But no one—apart from the civil action groups who managed to physically stop a few eviction orders—did anything.

Two Spanish governments have made next to no changes to laws and procedures that President Rajoy yesterday admitted were antiquated. Really? So why didn’t you or your predecessor do anything about it?

The judges are happy. One of them said that they could now be more than just cobradores del frac—a unique Spanish invention for collecting debt that involves dressing up in a tuxedo and top hat to embarrass the defaulter into paying up.

So, Europe, thank you for pointing out the obvious and hopefully helping us to change what we have been powerless to change until now.

With courts like yours, we might even end up inviting you in to make all the decisions. Oh wait, we already did that. Well then, just let us vote in meaningful European elections, and we’ll all be friends again.

You can read the European Court of Justice’s ruling here.

News articles in English on the ruling: Salon, BBC.

A lot of fuss is often made about how difficult legal translation is. But, while it is challenging, it’s also interesting and rewarding. This is partly because of the differences between legal systems.

Uncharted waters

Nothing is set in stone in legal translation. Legal systems are unique and ever-changing, and therefore the concepts and terms used in them are also constantly evolving and often differ from those in other systems, even terms that look the same. (If you dig deep enough, you can even find differences between established translations like contract and contrato.)

As a result, legal translators need to have a good grounding in the legal systems they translate to and from, and term research often requires more than just a bilingual dictionary. Target language equivalents often suffice as translations, but you have to know what terms mean in their systems to determine whether you can use a term for a given purpose and audience. If you can’t use a target language equivalent, or none exists, you have to dig into your bag of tricks for another solution.

More options = more fun

Paraphrases, borrowings, neologisms and translator’s notes are among the strategies that you get to use more often in legal translation than other types of translation. Hence the greater joy had by legal translators. Maybe calling it joy is pushing it, but you do have to stretch your translator’s brain somewhat, and this can make things interesting and sometimes even satisfying. As well as knowing how and when to use different strategies, you also have to have the confidence to use them, sometimes even flying in the face of the other translations you find (if you did your research and are taking into account the purpose and audience, this shouldn’t pose a problem).

Synonym roulette

The differences between legal systems keep you on your toes. Likely looking translations can never be taken for granted—you never know what subtle yet important differences they may hide. You must research diligently in monolingual as well as bilingual sources, particularly when you find yourself venturing into unfamiliar areas of knowledge. When you reach shaky ground of this kind, you may be tempted to play bilingual-dictionary roulette and go with whatever synonym looks best without fully grasping what the terms mean. When you get this urge, try to ignore it—for the good of your translation and your development as a translator. Go to other sources and research a bit deeper, just to make sure.

So, these are the joys gained from the fact that legal systems are unique. Legal translators also have more fun because they need to be creative and good writers (not just accurate ones, as we sometimes hear), but more about that some other day.

On top of the never-ending financial crisis, we now have a political crisis. The Bárcenas (ex-treasurer of the governing Partido Popular (PP)) and Ana Mato (Minister for Health) corruption scandals have turned into sagas, and the government has gone into deny-everything (or nearly everything–salvo una cosa!) and-hope-it-goes-away mode. These scandals, though, are probably just the tip of the iceberg.

Corruption cases in Valencia, Catalonia, Galicia, Majorca, Castellón and Andalusia, just to name those that come to mind, suggest that corruption is rife. And all levels of government are afflicted, from local councils to regional and national governments and even the royals.

Of course, the cause of the current political crisis, corruption, may also have played an important role in causing Spain’s economic woes, or at least worsening them.

A study from the PSPV (the Valencian branch of the national socialist party, the PSOE, in opposition in Valencia since the dawn of time) estimates that corruption cost Valencia € 1,184 m in three years. A high price, indeed, although probably way short of the total cost of being governed by the inept who come to power because of who rather than what they know and who make decisions in benefit of those who got them there, i.e., their family, friends and party connections, and, in some cases, those who will look after them when they leave politics (judging by the amount of ex-politicians with nice jobs in important Spanish companies).

Somewhere after those interests, and when their ineptness doesn’t negate any positive effects, they may get around to serving the people who voted for the party they represent, the party whose list they managed to get themselves on. Remember, politicians in Spain don’t have to appeal to voters to get voted in; they need to appeal to their parties to get as high as possible on the party lists.

In a nutshell, the country is crippled by systemic ineptness and mediocrity, which was more or less César Molinas’s point on an episode of the highly recommendable show Singulars (on TV3) aired a couple of weeks ago. When Singulars host and interviewer Jaume Barberà asked why Spain had such a bad bunch of politicians compared to other places, implying—I thought, anyway—cultural reasons, Molinas replied that the blame lies with the ineffective and insufficient laws governing political parties.

In comparison to other places (Germany and the UK were the examples given), Spain has far fewer regulations and party conventions on how political parties should operate. Spanish political parties are a law unto themselves and undemocratic. Which, apparently, was what was required during the transition: big, strong, authoritarian parties capable of grinding out compromises and suppressing party factions.

But there’s hope. A system can be changed, particularly one that’s not even 40 years old. And this panorama beats the one you get when you start trotting out cultural excuses. Statements like, “That’s just the way it is”, or, “It’s a cultural thing”, are lazy resignation, false and not very useful. A country’s culture colours everything, but it’s not the whole or even the defining thing. You’ve got to have a real go at fixing a problem, and explore all the options available, before you can call it inherent and unfixable.

The catch, of course, is that the law making process is controlled by the political parties. They have to be convinced of the need to create laws that reduce their power. However, while politicians have done next to nothing to date (although they always come up with good ideas while in opposition), maybe the urgency and seriousness of the current crises and the popular reaction to them will spark change. Maybe one day we will even see Spanish politicians resigning, which, in Spain at least, would generate even more surprise than the Pope’s announcement to call it a day.

I’ve just published the abstract to the dissertation I did for my MA on this page. You can also download the whole thing in PDF: Exploring the Use of the Louisiana Civil Code as a Source of English Translations for Spanish Legal Terms.

While it specifically looks at using the Louisiana Civil Code as a source of ‘third-system’ translations for Spanish legal terms, it also explores some of the general issues involved in bridging the gap between legal systems in translation, including non-equivalence and the idea that different audiences might require different kinds of legal English.

Target system: Form?

Learning_the_Law

Glanville Williams: Learning the Law is a useful book for legal translators. Although it’s written mainly for people considering legal careers and is mainly about studying law, it provides a good introduction to the legal system of England and Wales. What I’m finding particularly interesting though (I’m only a little way into it), is the language it exposes to you.

In this case—for an into-English legal translator reading the book—form is as or more important than content. While we need to have a firm grounding in our target legal system, the finer details are not always so important and can get filled in as needed. What we want to know is how to say it: which preposition goes with which verb and so on. And that is one thing this book is good for.

As well as paying specific attention to linguistic aspects (such as prepositions in the fragment below) and terminology, it exposes you to legal language and register in general, basically, how the law is talked about by people working in it, which is always helpful for those of us who translate it.

Prepositions have come to be used rather sloppily in criminal matters. In good usage, one is charged, tired, convicted, acquitted, or sentenced on (or upon) an indictment or count or charge. One is indicted on a charge of theft (or some other offence) or on two counts of theft. One is indicted or tried for theft, and the indictment/count/information/charge is for theft. (An information is a document making criminal charge before magistrates.) We also speak of a count or charge of theft. One pleads guilty (or no guilty) to a count or charge or indictment of theft, or to theft. One is acquitted or convicted (or found guilty) of theft. (p. 14)

This kind of information is priceless. And it’s not always easy to find. While there are many resources on the Internet talking about things, including legal systems and the law, the information is often so toned down that it removes some of the linguist aspects that translators are precisely interested in. Please note, when it comes to applying this type of language to translations, I’m not talking about making things complicated; just getting it right as far as register goes.

Source system: Content?

On the other hand, for your source language, at first glance at least, it’s content that seems to be more important. In my case, as an out-of-Spanish translator, one book that I find useful is Elana Merino-Blanco’s Spanish Law and Legal System. It’s an introduction to the law in Spain, although it provides enough detail to make it a useful reference book, and I do turn to it on occasions when translating. It gives you the context that the source text often doesn’t and helps fill in the gaps.Spanish_Law_and_Legal_System

This book goes into more detail than Learning the Law (after all, it’s solely about the legal system; not also about studying law). It starts with the origins of the Spanish legal system and covers all the main areas of law. As it’s written in English, it’s interesting to see how the author translates Spanish terms. Her solutions may even serve as inspiration for translations in other contexts. However, the purpose of the book should be kept in mind. As the aim is to describe the Spanish legal system, the author has the luxury of being able to provide any amount of explanation she feels necessary for terms that don’t even have to be translated. We obviously don’t always have so much leeway with other types of translations, and thus her solutions may not be so useful in other scenarios.

Content in the form

Of course, both content and form are important in both your source and target systems. If you don’t know how linguistic features like prepositions are used in your source language and whether such use varies from general to legal registers, how are you going to understand the source text? Likewise, without having a good content knowledge of you target system, how are you going to know if a likely equivalent for a source term that you know back to front is actually a safe and good equivalent in the target legal language for the context in question?

The line does blur a bit, though. It can be hard to say exactly where form ends and content starts. For instance, when you read or, especially, listen to legal practitioners talking about their native legal systems, the approach they take gives you a lot of useful information about those legal systems. That’s form; but it’s also content because the speaker or writer’s approach derives, to some degree, from the content.

Ad hoc vs. abstract

In my experience, English law lectures, for instance, or any type of resource on English law for that matter, cut straight to the chase and get immediately into specific concepts, legislation, judgments, effects and practice. Generalisations and reflections are made along the way, but sometimes you can be left wondering what bit fits in where. A question to which there is often no definite answer anyway as there is not always an overarching framework. It can all seem a little ad hoc, which might be one way of summing up English law.

Spanish law lectures and resources, however, tend to start from a theoretical framework. The structure and the broader, more abstract concepts are set out before you move into the details, which are generally still quite abstract. You get the overall theoretical picture drawn out very nicely, but you often lose sight of what happens in practice; equal weight seems to be given to the entire range of elements, solutions and eventualities, regardless of how common they may be in practice.

Just recognising these approaches helps you when translating. In the case of Spanish, the theoretical, structured and abstract approach permeates through to many Spanish legal documents. The tendency is toward the abstract and the use of abstract language. This doesn’t happen so much in English, which can be just as confusing for other reasons, like the ad hoc naming of concepts.

In Spanish, more often than not, things have the names they do based on some trace of etymological logic. The term itself often tells you something about the concept it represents. In contrast, legal English is full of terms that don’t give any hints to meaning (e.g., “quistclose trust”), and no amount of linguistic deduction will help you to know what is meant. This is probably more content that form, but it’s form in the sense that it’s a recurring feature of legal English. Of course, as noted in this post, a lot of the features that make legal English complex are also found in legal Spanish (long paragraphs, archaic expressions, Latinisms, etc.).

Common thread

The point is, the person who wrote the contract or judgment you’re struggling away with got the same education and was trained under the same system as the person who wrote the book you’re reading or gave the law lecture you sat through (if it’s in the same language—Merino-Blanco’s book is not a good example in this case), and it shows through in the language used. This is not exclusively about content; it’s also a matter of approach and register. And sometimes that’s where the trick lies to unravelling an endlessly long sentence full of gerunds, strings of nouns and mazes of subordinate clauses, all tending toward the abstract, without a likely subject in sight.

A radio show that looks at Spain’s regional diversity from a historical perspective is currently being aired on the BBC. You can listen to the three episodes here. This show, “The Invention of Spain”, is especially relevant in the current climate, and it does refer to the question of Catalan independence, or the “Catalan question” as it is sometimes called, as in this interesting article from the New York Times from 1918.

Calling it a “question” is apt because while it does approach being a debate in Catalonia—where you can hear a range of opinions in the media and from political parties, in Spain (outside of Catalonia), it just seems to be an “issue” or a “problem”. Because, for once on a matter of national politics, the Spanish media of all shades and colours agree.

You hear the same story on the right wing and conservative radio station the COPE as you do on the Cadena SER (at the other end of the spectrum): Catalonia can’t and mustn’t become independent; it shouldn’t even want such a thing. Sometimes the message is explicit, but most of the time it’s dressed up in apparently objective and logical reasoning that always arrives at the same conclusion: it’s just not possible and, in any case, would be bad for everyone. There is, of course, a difference of opinion on how to remedy this “situation”. The left usually calls for dialogue and likes to focus on how fantastic Spain’s diversity and unity are, while the right generally just wants to put Catalonia in its place.

But this, in itself, says a lot about the “question”. The Spanish media only ever agree (in direction at least, although probably never in form) on issues of national interest. So, if an internal issue is being treated as if it were one of national interest in a large part of Spain, maybe it really is time to start redefining borders. There is, however, no universal chorus in Catalonia, where the split of opinions will hopefully at least make for a good debate. If one is allowed to be had.

It’s understandable and logical that the rest of Spain almost unanimously doesn’t want to see Spain broken. But what is a little disappointing is that there are next to no voices in Spain outside of Catalonia—or in the opinion part of the media at least—saying something like, “I don’t like it, but, as we are a democracy, let’s let Catalonia sort out what it wants, and then we can all negotiate the rest of it”. But no. No-one ever gets that far. Everyone is too busy talking about how bad and impossible it is. A very difficult question indeed.

Anyway, below is a clip for the first episode (click to play).

STOP PRESS: I just came across this article, “What the elections in Catalonia are really about“, on the upcoming elections in Catalonia from the Col·lectiu Emma, whose mission is “to ensure that the world’s public opinion gets a fair picture of the country’s reality today and in history”. The country they’re talking about is Catalonia, so understand that from them you will always get the Catalan perspective, or one of them, I should say. :)

An expat chat

When you listen to expats talking together about their new country of residence, sometimes you hear strange words pop up. This is usually the result of what you could call the expat approach to translating difficult-to-translate or non-equivalent terms.

You might hear, for example, native English speakers living in Spain throwing about terms like DNI, NIE and NIF. All of which can be translated into English. So why do they use the Spanish terms? Probably, because it’s easier and avoids confusion. It’s the logical thing to do as all those in the conversation understand these straightforward yet culturally specific terms, and, more importantly, because they are actually talking about these particular foreign things and not some fuzzy equivalents that may or may not exist in their countries of origin.

Near and far audiences

This not translating of terms—known in translation theory as transcription or using borrowings—is a source-language (SL) oriented approach that can be useful for what Kierzkowska refers to as “near audiences”, of which expatriates or immigrants are a good example.

Near audiences are anyone with “a relatively good knowledge of the SL culture”.  In the case of legal translation, other examples of near audiences are academics and lawyers with good source-culture knowledge, although you’d probably also classify lawyers without such knowledge as a near audience because, depending on the context, someone with a legal background should be able to understand foreign legal concepts without requiring too much domesticating of the terms.

Obviously, using a borrowing won’t always be appropriate. When our happy group of expats are talking to people who don’t know much about Spain, they’re unlikely to use these terms because they know they won’t be understood. Instead, they might use terms like identity card/number for DNI, foreigner ID number for NIE and tax number for NIF. Depending, of course, on the context. Because these terms do serve different functions and may require different translations according to the context.

When translating terms like DNI

Is the translation for foreigners living Spain? If so, the translation of, for example, “DNI” might be DNI (card/number), NIE (document/number), resident’s card, passport or photo ID, depending on whether the text is referring to the actual document or just the number associated to both the card and the holder. It also depends on whether the text is asking the reader to do something with an equivalent to the DNI (an equivalent because only Spanish nationals are issued with DNIs) or just talking about the term in general, for instance, in an article about the new e-DNI card.

The translation may also be for a “far” audience (i.e., an audience with little knowledge or interest in the source culture). In this case, Spanish ID card/number is usually the way to go. However, it does still depend on the function of the term in the context and the purpose of the translation. Driver’s licence, photo ID, tax number or 18+ card may also be appropriate, particularly in translations that are not specifically about Spain (e.g., in product descriptions or other types of marketing texts for Spanish products sold abroad), or that are about Spain but in which the term is not important (e.g., perhaps in a novel). What’s the point of bothering a reader in a far-off land with talk of DNI cards in a fantasy story set in Barcelona that could be set anywhere?

Useful distinction and non-equivalence indicator

The distinction between near and far audiences is a useful one. More so, I think, than just referring to expert and non-expert audiences as it takes into account and better classifies non-expert audiences like immigrants or expatiates who have a good understanding of the source culture and the intricacies of terms such as DNI, which you’d think are so basic that they’d be easy to deal with yet are in fact culturally unique enough to demand special attention on occasions. Near audiences should know these terms, whereas far audiences probably won’t.

In fact, one indicator for determining when you have a culturally specific term on your hands is to listen to what foreign residents (or yourself, if you are one) do with it when talking in their native languages. If they don’t translate it, it’s probably a non-equivalent term that may require some extra consideration when you come to translate it.

Key concept, further reading

Far and near audiences (Kierzkowska). Found in Biel, L. (2009) ‘Organization of background knowledge structures in legal language and related translation problems’, Comparative Legilinguistics. International Journal for Legal Communication. 1, pp. 176-189.

* Images courtesy of Auswandern Malaysia and Andres Rueda

Coming across a badly translated website can be painful, particularly if you’re a translator. Sometimes, the translation is so bad, and the pain is so great, that it can cause a translator to get in touch with the company using said terrible translation and offer to fix the mess. As the story usually goes, the company contacted rarely hires the translator to fix the offending translation. It often doesn’t even acknowledge the need to do so, despite how badly this translation may make it look.

Why don’t these companies jump at the chance to have their less-than-perfect translations fixed? They really do need the services of a good translator. You’d expect them to be perfect potential clients. Right? Maybe. What they really might be, though, is just someone who’s happy to use bad translations. Which is the opposite to what most good translators are looking for: clients who use quality translations.

So, the opposite may be true. To find those who need and want good translations, maybe we should look for companies that have perfectly translated material. Unless they got their good translations by accident (unlikely), they won’t be strangers to the notion of quality in translation, and they’ll understand what you’re about and on about.

For the record, I haven’t tried out either approach, but I know which one I’d try first. There is, of course, more to it than the content of this vagrant rambling. Although, even when you do take the argument a little further, you generally end up at the same place. After all, who would you try to sell a BMW to? A Mercedes owner, a Lada driver or someone who only owns a bike? The bearded don’t shave!